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IECR

Fly-tipping in England

Councils in England recorded 1.26 million fly-tipping incidents in 2024/25. Adding an estimate of fly-tipping on farms, which councils’ records miss, gives about 1.37 million (range 1.28 million to 1.54 million), about 108,000 more.

Recorded figures count the incidents councils dealt with and reported to Defra, mostly on public land. About the data says what each figure counts and how far to trust it.

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Recorded fly-tipping per 1,000 residents, 2024/25, by neighbourhood. Open the map
England, 2024/25
1.26 millionrecorded fly-tipping incidents
21recorded a year per 1,000 residents
47%of recorded fly-tipping falls in the tenth of neighbourhoods with the highest rates
108,000more on farms, an estimate (range 27,000 to 280,000)

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Recorded fly-tipping by neighbourhood, an Estimate

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Keys: plus and minus zoom, arrows pan, 0 resets. Enter or Space selects the neighbourhood under the crosshair in the middle of the map, or, on Drive time to recycling centres, the recycling centre there; on Councils compared with similar councils it also chooses that neighbourhood’s council for the comparison. Escape clears the selection. Choose a view from the list beside the map and, on Councils compared with similar councils, a council from the council list. When the map is zoomed in, the arrow buttons in its corner move it too. The postcode and council search beside the map selects a neighbourhood and shows its figures without using the map. On Recorded fly-tipping by neighbourhood, the Show by buttons colour the map by neighbourhoods, wards, constituencies or councils.

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    About the data and methods

    Recorded, and what the records miss

    Councils’ records are the main national count of fly-tipping, and they miss some of it. The largest gap that can be estimated is on farms, where the landowner usually clears what is dumped. Adding an estimate of that, built on farmers’ own survey responses, gives about 1.37 million incidents in 2024/25 (range 1.28 million to 1.54 million), about 108,000 more than the 1,257,863 councils recorded (see Farm estimate assumptions).

    Fly-tipping on public land that nobody reports and no council crew finds is not in Figure 1 or in any total, because the data cannot estimate it. As a sensitivity, it would be about 76,000, 293,000 or 684,000 a year (6%, 23% or 54% of recorded) if crews find 90%, 70% or 50% of what the public does not report (see Public land nobody reports).

    Figure 1

    Adding an estimate of fly-tipping on farms to the 1,257,863 incidents councils recorded in 2024/25 gives about 1.37 million (range 1.28 million to 1.54 million)

    Bar chart. Councils in England recorded 1,257,863 fly-tipping incidents in 2024/25 (1.26 million). Adding an estimate of fly-tipping on farms, about 108,000 (range 27,000 to 280,000), gives about 1.37 million, with a range of 1.28 million to 1.54 million.

    England, 2024/25. The recorded figure is Defra’s national total, which includes Defra’s own full-year estimate for Fylde, the one council that supplied nine months of returns. The farm part is an estimate (see Farm estimate assumptions). Source: Defra fly-tipping statistics and June Survey of agriculture; Rural Payments Agency; National Farmers’ Union, fly-tipping survey results, June 2024; Country Land and Business Association, February 2026; IECR model 2.2024-h2.
    The detail: how the farm estimate is made

    The number of commercial farm holdings in each council (Defra’s June Survey, June 2025) is shared among its neighbourhoods by their registered land parcels, then multiplied by an assumed share hit by fly-tipping in a year and by an assumed number of incidents for each holding hit (see Farm estimate assumptions).

    Where fly-tipping concentrates

    Within a council, recorded fly-tipping is far from evenly spread. On the model’s estimate, a council’s tenth of neighbourhoods with the highest rates holds on average about 29% of its recorded fly-tipping, against 9.5% if every neighbourhood had the council’s rate. York’s own records, which say where each incident was found, put 34% to 36% of its recorded fly-tipping in its busiest tenth.

    Across England, the tenth of neighbourhoods with the highest rates, home to 11% of residents, holds 47% of recorded fly-tipping. Most of that comes from differences between councils: even if every neighbourhood had its council’s rate, the top tenth would hold 37%, because some councils record far more per resident than others (see How councils record). Only the other 10 points come from the model’s split within councils.

    Figure 2

    Almost half of recorded fly-tipping falls in a tenth of neighbourhoods, mostly because councils’ totals differ

    Column chart. On the model’s estimate, the tenth of neighbourhoods with the highest rates accounts for 47% of recorded fly-tipping; the lowest tenth for about 1%. Of the top tenth’s 47%, 37% would be there if every neighbourhood had its council’s rate, from differences between councils’ recorded totals; 10 points come from the model’s split within councils.

    Neighbourhoods ranked by the model’s estimate of recorded fly-tipping per 1,000 residents, 2024/25, in ten groups of equal number. The first column is split: the lower part (37%) is what the top tenth would hold if every neighbourhood had its council’s rate, which comes from differences between councils’ recorded totals; the upper part (10 points) comes from the model’s split within councils. Source: Defra; ONS; IECR model 2.2024-h2.
    The detail: how neighbourhoods are ranked

    For Figure 2, neighbourhoods with residents are ranked by their estimated share per 1,000 residents and split into ten groups with the same number of neighbourhoods in each; each column is that group’s part of England’s recorded total. The ranking is an estimate (see Neighbourhood figures and Large rural neighbourhoods).

    Within councils, each council’s top tenth is the tenth of its own neighbourhoods with the highest estimated rates (at least one). Averaged over councils, the model puts 29% of a council’s recorded fly-tipping there (30% weighting councils by their residents), against 9.5% if every neighbourhood had the council’s rate. York’s own records, ranked by the same records they are scored on, put 36% of 2024/25’s incidents and 34% of those from 2021/22 to 2025/26, the years used in the test, in York’s top tenth; ranking by alternate years and scoring the others gives 32%, nearer what any ranking made beforehand could capture. The map’s own York figure, 34%, is not independent of those records, because the published map uses each council’s own records as one of its inputs.

    What goes with more fly-tipping

    Some conditions go hand in hand with more fly-tipping. Within councils, judging by FixMyStreet reports with reporting habits removed, it is higher in neighbourhoods with more overcrowded homes, terraced housing, converted buildings and rural lanes. Between councils with similar conditions, judging by council records, it is higher where more households have no car and more people rent privately or have recently moved in, and lower where there are more recycling centres. Access to recycling centres was tested three ways. Within councils, in FixMyStreet reports with reporting habits removed: drive distance to the nearest recycling centre, about 5% more fly-tipping for each typical step (1.05×, 90% range 1.00 to 1.09); crowding at the nearest recycling centre residents may use (households per opening hour), about 11% more fly-tipping for each typical step (1.11×, 1.03 to 1.20); and residents-only detour to a recycling centre, about 4% more fly-tipping for each typical step (1.04×, 1.01 to 1.07). These are associations: they show where to look and what to test, not what causes fly-tipping (see What the factors show).

    Figure 3

    What goes with more fly-tipping, within councils and between them

    Within councils, from FixMyStreet reports with reporting habits removed, neighbourhoods with more overcrowded homes (1.24×), rural lanes (1.24×), terraced houses (1.20×), converted buildings and flats over shops (1.19×), crime (1.19×) and tracks (1.17×) have more fly-tipping reported, and those with more flats have less (0.82×); neighbourhoods with more drive distance to the nearest recycling centre have more (1.05×); neighbourhoods with more crowding at the nearest centre residents may use, in households for each opening hour, have more (1.11×); and neighbourhoods with a longer residents-only detour to a recycling centre have more (1.04×). Between similar councils, from council records, councils with more fixed penalty notices (1.20×; enforcement also responds to fly-tipping, so this is not what penalties do), households without a car (1.21×), private renting (1.16×) and residents who moved in during the year (1.10×) record more fly-tipping, and those with more recycling centres provided record less (0.88×).

    How much more or less fly-tipping goes with a typical step up on each factor, once the model’s other factors are allowed for. The within-council rows rest on FixMyStreet reports, with differences in how readily people report removed; the between-council rows rest on councils’ own records, as reported to Defra. The line through each dot shows the range the figure could plausibly take; a hollow dot means no detectable association. Source: IECR model 2.2024-h2; FixMyStreet; ONS Census 2021; Defra; English Indices of Deprivation 2015, 2019 and 2025.
    The detail: how to read these figures

    Each figure is a rate ratio. A figure of 1.20× means about 20% more fly-tipping (reported on FixMyStreet within councils, recorded by councils between them) between places one typical step apart on the factor (one standard deviation), once the model’s other factors are allowed for, and 0.80× about 20% less. The line through each dot is its 90% range; where the range includes 1×, the model finds no detectable association, and the dot is hollow.

    The within-council rows come from FixMyStreet reports, with differences in how readily people report removed, and compare neighbourhoods in the same council. The between-council rows come from councils’ own records of fly-tipping, as reported to Defra, and compare councils within the thirty peer groups of similar deprivation and density (the fixed penalty row compares councils with similar conditions). Neighbourhood size and road length are in the full list below.

    The detail: every factor tested, with its range

    Each line compares two kinds of places, or the same councils before and after a change, once the model’s other factors are allowed for. For the within-council lines, which rest on FixMyStreet reports with reporting habits removed, and the between-similar-councils lines, which rest on councils’ own records, 1.20× means about 20% more fly-tipping between places one typical step apart on the factor (one standard deviation), and 0.80× about 20% less. For commercial composition lines, 1.20× means the commercial, construction, trade or large-load share of recorded fly-tipping is about 20% higher on the same basis, not that there is 20% more fly-tipping overall. For policy lines, the figure compares councils’ own recorded fly-tipping, or one kind of it, per head before and after the change, against other councils over the same years. Where the 90% range includes 1×, the line says there is no detectable association (see What the factors show).

    The list appears here once the page has loaded its data, which needs JavaScript.

    Private renting

    Neighbourhoods with more private renting record more fly-tipping than others in the same council. With only deprivation and population density taken into account, the association is about 23% more per step of 12.9 percentage points of households renting privately (90% range 20% to 27%). Estimated from FixMyStreet reports with reporting habits removed.

    The model’s own single figure for private renting is smaller, about 8% more per step (0% to 16%), because the model also counts what tends to come with private renting: flats, flats over shops, overcrowded homes, terraces, households without a car, younger residents and people who moved in during the year. Taken together, those housing, car-ownership and population-change terms rise by about 39% per step of private renting within a council (33% to 45%), so the model does attribute renting-linked fly-tipping, under those headings rather than under renting alone. Between councils, those with more private renting record about 16% more than councils with similar conditions, per typical step between councils (7% to 25%); recording practice differs between councils. These are associations between places, not statements about tenants, landlords or anyone else, and nothing here says that private renting causes fly-tipping or that changing it would change fly-tipping.

    Comparing like with like

    Recorded fly-tipping rises steeply with deprivation and population density: from about 5 incidents a year per 1,000 residents in the least deprived, least densely populated councils to more than 60 in the most deprived, most densely populated. Conditions like these, together with how councils record and how readily residents report problems, go with about half of the difference between councils. The map’s council comparison shows which councils record more or less than places like them, against a model’s prediction or against the councils most like them.

    Figure 4

    Recorded fly-tipping rises with deprivation and density

    Grid of thirty peer groups by deprivation and population density. Recorded fly-tipping rises from about 5 a year per 1,000 residents in the least deprived, least dense group to more than 60 in the most deprived, most dense.

    Each square is a peer group of nine or ten councils: recorded incidents per 1,000 residents a year, 2022/23 to 2024/25. * includes Defra’s full-year estimate for Fylde, which supplied nine months of returns. Source: Defra; ONS; English Indices of Deprivation.
    The detail: how the groups are formed

    England’s councils are split into five groups by deprivation, and each of those into six by population density, giving thirty peer groups of nine or ten councils with similar conditions. Each square’s figure is its group’s recorded incidents over 2022/23 to 2024/25, divided by its residents, per 1,000 a year.

    The “about half” above is a weighted R² of 0.55: the share of the variation in councils’ recorded levels, 2022/23 to 2024/25, that goes with their conditions, recording basis and reporting habits in the model (see How councils record).

    Figure 5

    20 wards far above what wards like them in their council would be expected to record, among councils whose records passed the checks

    Table. A table of 20 wards, each with its council and that council’s standing against councils like it, its estimated share of the council’s recorded 2024/25 fly-tipping and share of the council total, the rate per 1,000 residents, how far it sits above what wards like it in its council would be expected to record with a 90% range, a confidence label and the two factor groups that stand out.

    England, 2024/25, May 2025 wards, listed by council and then ward. Each ward’s recorded fly-tipping is its estimated share of its council’s recorded total, never a recorded count. Compared with wards like it sets its rate per household against what a typical ward in the same council with its deprivation, density and private renting would be expected to record; it is an estimate with a 90% range, and it says nothing about how the council compares with others, which is the council column. Listed wards have three or more neighbourhoods, at least 1,000 households, some reports or records below council level and a range clear of 1×, in the 204 councils whose records passed the checks: 2,987 wards met the first conditions and 91 the last, and the 20 furthest above are listed. What stands out names the two factor groups that go most with the ward’s position within its council. A ward may stand here because more is dumped, because its council records more thoroughly, or both. Source: Defra fly-tipping statistics; ONS; MHCLG; mySociety FixMyStreet; IECR model 2.2024-h2.
    The detail: the table, and every ward

    What is dumped

    Commercial and construction waste, as officers classified it, make up a steady share of recorded fly-tipping. On Defra’s national table, which covers every recorded incident, commercial-type waste was at least 11.0% of recorded incidents in 2024/25 (12.9% if unidentified waste splits like the rest), much the same share as in 2012/13, and construction waste at least 5.0% in its lowest year, 2017/18. Figure 6 follows the councils with a full breakdown each year, where less waste goes unidentified: there, commercial-type waste was at least 11.8% of recorded incidents in 2024/25 (12.9% if unidentified waste splits like the rest); across the thirteen years it has been at least 10.8% in its lowest year and at least 14.4% in its highest, and construction waste at least 5.4% in every year. Large loads, a tipper-lorry load or more, have risen sharply since 2012/13, from 2.2% to 4.3% of incidents whose size was recorded.

    Figure 6

    Commercial-type waste is much the same share of recorded fly-tipping as in 2012/13, while large loads have risen sharply

    Three line charts. Among the councils with a full breakdown each year, commercial-type waste was at least 11.8% of recorded incidents in 2024/25 (12.9% if unidentified waste splits like the rest), much the same share as in 2012/13; across the thirteen years it has been at least 10.8% in its lowest year and at least 14.4% in its highest. Construction waste has been at least 5.4% of recorded incidents in every year. On Defra’s national table, which covers every recorded incident, the 2024/25 lower bound is 11.0%. Large loads, a tipper-lorry load or more, have risen sharply since 2012/13, from 2.2% to 4.3% of incidents whose size was recorded.

    England, 2012/13 to 2024/25. Each year uses the councils whose returns were complete in that year (between about 275 and 290 for waste type; between about 250 and 270 for large loads, which depend on size being recorded). Each panel has its own scale, starting at zero. Commercial-type means commercial black bags, other commercial waste and construction waste, as officers classified them; large loads are a tipper-lorry load or more, of incidents whose size was recorded. Source: Defra fly-tipping statistics (WasteDataFlow).
    The detail: how to read the shares

    On the chart, the commercial-type line is the lower figure, at least the share shown, and the shaded band runs up to the share if unidentified waste splits like the rest (see Commercial figures).

    Because the councils with a full breakdown change from year to year, the rise in large loads is also checked on the 163 councils that recorded size in every year: 2.6% to 4.5%, about 1.7 times, so the rise does not depend on which councils are included.

    How the model works

    IECR’s model brings together thirteen years of council records with data on housing, deprivation, roads, businesses, waste sites and enforcement for every neighbourhood in England. It works in four steps.

    1. 01

      Start from what councils record

      Every council reports the fly-tipping it records to Defra each year, with the type of waste, the size of the load and where it lay. The model uses these returns from 2012/13 to 2024/25 for all 296 councils, on today’s boundaries.

    2. 02

      Compare councils with places like them

      It asks how much of the difference between councils goes with their conditions (deprivation, density, how rural they are, housing, car ownership, access to recycling centres), how they record and how readily residents report problems: about half. What is left shows which councils record more or less than places like them.

    3. 03

      Share each council’s total across its neighbourhoods

      Councils do not publish where in their area fly-tipping is found, so the model shares each council’s total across its neighbourhoods, learning from years of FixMyStreet reports and allowing for how readily people in each place report problems. It was checked against York’s and Leeds’s own logs of where fly-tipping was found. In York, the tenth of neighbourhoods the model ranked highest held 24.4% of the fly-tipping the council recorded (90% range 16.4% to 30.1%), against 10% at random. In Leeds, its top 3 of 33 wards held 28.4% (13.9% to 42.8%), against 9% at random.

      The detail below says how the test was run and what it can show.

      The detail: how the test was run

      The test was fixed in advance and run once for this version of the model. Earlier versions were scored on the same York and Leeds records, so it checks that this version does no worse than the one before it; it is not a test on records no version had seen. York is the only council checked neighbourhood by neighbourhood (121 neighbourhoods); Leeds was checked across its 33 wards. The model learns where fly-tipping falls within a council from FixMyStreet reports; in the test it was fitted without York’s and Leeds’s own records and checked against them.

      Each year, the model ranked York’s 121 neighbourhoods and Leeds’s 33 wards by expected incidents per household, using only data up to the year before, and the ranking was checked against where each council recorded fly-tipping that year, the years pooled (York 2021/22 to 2025/26, Leeds 2018/19 to 2024/25). Rank agreement was 0.74 in York (90% range 0.60 to 0.82) and 0.79 across Leeds’s wards (0.62 to 0.88), where 1 would be perfect agreement and 0 none. York’s ranges come from resampling twelve blocks of neighbourhoods, Leeds’s from resampling its wards; at 33 wards, Leeds’s top-tenth range is wide.

    4. 04

      Estimate fly-tipping on farms

      Finally, it estimates fly-tipping on farms, which councils’ records miss, from the number of farm holdings in each neighbourhood, an assumed share hit in a year and an assumed number of incidents on each, with a range (see Farm estimate assumptions). Fly-tipping on public land that nobody reports and no crew finds is shown only as three cases, a sensitivity (see Public land nobody reports).

    The model describes what goes with fly-tipping, to show where to look and what to test (see What the factors show and Years covered).

    The detail: the model in full

    Councils. Each council’s level is its recorded fly-tipping over 2022/23 to 2024/25, on its own recording basis, smoothed across years by a statistical model of its whole series, with its own uncertainty. The model then asks, in three stages, how much of the difference between councils goes with their conditions. The first stage, how councils record (reporting habits and whether a council records only what the public reports) and structure (deprivation, density, how rural a council is, housing, private renting, residents moving in, car ownership and access to recycling centres), explains a weighted 0.55 of the variation; adding businesses and other commercial measures raises that to 0.57, and adding enforcement to 0.60. Each council’s expected level comes from 2,000 fits on resampled councils, using only the fits that left it out, so no council’s expectation rests on its own data; those fits give the 90% range.

    Neighbourhoods. The model learns where recorded fly-tipping gathers within councils from FixMyStreet reports, the only national record with locations, with each neighbourhood’s reporting habit removed, so that a place that reports a lot of potholes is not mistaken for one with a lot of fly-tipping. It uses about fifty neighbourhood conditions, including six business measures: retail and industrial premises, construction and food businesses, registered waste carriers and distance to a trade waste site. Six councils’ own records of where fly-tipping was found are used too: York’s by neighbourhood; Leeds’s, Barnsley’s and Calderdale’s by ward; and Bradford’s and Bassetlaw’s by street or neighbourhood, for earlier years. Step 3 above gives its test against York’s and Leeds’s own records, and what that test can and cannot show.

    Commercial waste. Defra’s returns split incidents by type of waste and size of load, so the commercial side is measured as a share: commercial black bags, other commercial waste and construction waste as a share of recorded incidents, and large loads as a share of incidents whose size was recorded. Only council-years with a complete breakdown count, and an association is put forward only if it holds without London and without the years in which councils recorded only what the public reported.

    Policy. National changes, such as higher ceilings for fixed penalties or rises in Landfill Tax, reach every council at once, so the model reads them only as timing: what the national series did afterwards. Council changes, such as booking systems or charges for DIY waste at recycling centres, are compared with the council’s own earlier years and with other councils over the same years. A change is read as a policy effect only if it passes every one of these tests: enough councils making it, no detectable sign that their fly-tipping was already moving apart from other councils’ beforehand and, for commercial waste, a response different from household waste. None did.

    Fly-tipping on farms. Farm holdings per council from Defra’s June Survey, shared among neighbourhoods by their registered land parcels, times an assumed share hit in a year and an assumed number of incidents on each (see Farm estimate assumptions). Public land that nobody reports and no crew finds is shown only as three cases (see Public land nobody reports).

    Grading. Each result is graded by the kind of comparison behind it (see What the factors show).

    About the data

    What the figures count, what they leave out and how far to trust them. Each point is set out once, here, and the rest of the page links to it.

    The detail: what each figure counts, and how far to trust it

    Recorded

    Fly-tipping councils recorded and reported to Defra, mostly on public land, including Defra’s full-year estimate for Fylde, which supplied nine months of returns.

    Estimated separately, with a range

    Fly-tipping on farms, which rarely reaches councils’ records.

    Not in any total

    Public land that nobody reported and no council crew found, shown only as a sensitivity; other private land, such as business premises; cases the Environment Agency handles; reports made to someone that never reached a council’s records.

    What the figures count

    Apart from the estimate of fly-tipping on farms, the figures start from fly-tipping councils recorded and reported to Defra, mostly on public land. None of them counts fly-tipping on private land other than farms, such as business premises; cases the Environment Agency handles, which are large, organised or hazardous; or reports made to someone that never reached a council’s records, which would need councils’ own records to estimate. Fly-tipping on public land that nobody reported and no council crew found is shown only as a sensitivity (see Public land nobody reports).

    How councils record

    Each council records fly-tipping in its own way, so a council that records more may have more fly-tipping, record more thoroughly, or both, and the data cannot tell these apart. Every comparison between councils, on the map and in Figures 2 to 4 and, for the councils of the listed wards, Figure 5, mixes what is dumped with how it is recorded: the council views are not scores, and differences within a peer group are differences, not explanations.

    Some councils’ records have a break, a boundary change, a change in how incidents are recorded or a data-quality note from Defra. Their figures are shown like any other council’s; when you select one, its note appears in the readout under “The detail: how precise this is”. Each report says where its place stands among all places of its kind in England by recorded rate alone, unadjusted; only the comparisons, which allow for conditions and recording, say whether a council records more than expected. Figure 5 lists wards, with their council, only for councils whose records passed the checks.

    Neighbourhood figures

    Councils report how much fly-tipping they record, not where. Each neighbourhood figure is the model’s estimate of that neighbourhood’s share of its council’s total, learnt from FixMyStreet reports, local conditions and, in six councils, the council’s own records of where fly-tipping was found; the council’s total is what it recorded, and its neighbourhoods add up to it. So neighbourhood figures, and any ranking of neighbourhoods, such as Figure 2’s, are estimates. Each council’s expected level, on Councils compared with similar councils (what its conditions predict), is a model estimate too.

    Testing the model

    Six councils’ own records of where fly-tipping was found feed the split within councils: York’s by neighbourhood; Leeds’s, Barnsley’s and Calderdale’s by ward; and Bradford’s and Bassetlaw’s by street or neighbourhood, for earlier years (see Sources). York is the only council checked neighbourhood by neighbourhood, and Leeds was checked by ward. The other four councils’ records are used to place neighbourhoods but have not yet been used as held-out checks, so how the split does elsewhere is not known. Earlier versions were scored on the same York and Leeds records, so the test shows that this version does no worse than the one before it, not how it does on records no version had seen. And the model learns mainly from FixMyStreet reports, a thin record whose pattern partly reflects who reports, although it allows for each neighbourhood’s reporting habit. How the model works, step 3, gives the test and its results.

    Large rural neighbourhoods

    Large rural neighbourhoods fill most of the map, and their placement is the least certain: checked against York’s own records, the model tended to put too much fly-tipping in large neighbourhoods, more so the larger they are, so some sit in a higher band on the map, or a higher group in Figure 2, than they should. Treat their colours as approximate. For neighbourhoods over 10 km², the readout gives a likely range, which is wider than an 80% interval would be: in the check against York’s records it held for 93% to 97% of neighbourhood-years.

    Farm estimate assumptions

    Fly-tipping on farms rarely reaches councils’ records, because the landowner usually clears it, and nothing else records it, so it is estimated: the number of commercial farm holdings in each council (Defra’s June Survey, June 2025), shared among its neighbourhoods by their registered land parcels, times the share of holdings hit by fly-tipping in a year, times the number of incidents on each holding hit.

    The share is 0.54 (range 0.27 to 0.70), the National Farmers’ Union’s own small-scale figure: 54% of the 620 members who answered its June 2024 survey had had small-scale fly-tipping, and 30% large-scale. The survey was self-selected, which tends to over-represent those affected, so the low value halves it; its results give no period for the figures, so whether they cover a year is not confirmed, and no sampling method. The high value is just short of the Country Land and Business Association’s almost three quarters of responding farmers affected each year, for which no sample size is given. The number of incidents a year on each holding hit is 2 (range 1 to 4). No source gives an average: the Country Land and Business Association reports some farms targeted several times a month, which is the hardest-hit tail rather than the typical holding, so 2 and 4 are judgements, 1 is the floor for a holding that was hit, and 4 is the high case’s average over the holdings hit, not a ceiling on what one farm suffers.

    The low and high figures take the low and high end of both assumptions together, so the range spans the assumptions; it is not a margin of error. On Recorded plus fly-tipping on farms, the range allows only for these assumptions: a neighbourhood’s recorded share has its own likely range, shown separately and not added. The farm part counts all fly-tipping on farms, so it includes a very small number of incidents that councils did record on agricultural land; Recorded plus fly-tipping on farms counts those twice, which changes it by well under 1%. The estimate is never added to recorded figures except on that view, where it is labelled as an estimate.

    Public land nobody reports

    Fly-tipping on public land that nobody reports and no council crew finds cannot be estimated from the data, because nothing measures how much of what the public does not report council crews find. Leeds is the only council whose records say who found each fly-tip, and only for 2018/19 and 2019/20, and those records cannot separate how often the public reports from how much crews find. So the page shows three cases for England as a whole, in words only, if crews find 90%, 70% or 50% of what the public does not report, with the public’s share of records, 0.47, taken from Leeds’s typical ward. Each case scales England’s starting count: recorded fly-tipping, with the 25 councils that record only what the public reports counted as if they also recorded their own staff’s finds, which adds about 3%. They are a sensitivity: none is an estimate, none is added to any total, and none is given for a single neighbourhood or council, because the only evidence on how often the public reports in different places is one council’s 33 wards.

    Leeds’s records give only the share of its fly-tip records that came from the public, s = 0.47 at the median ward (April 2018 to March 2020). If its crews found every incident the public did not report, s would be p, the share of incidents the public reports; if they found only a share c of them, s = p / (p + (1 − p)c). So s fixes one combination of p and c, not each, and with c measured nowhere the public-land figure follows from the value chosen for c. Each case applies the same c to Leeds’s crews as to crews everywhere else, so p drops out and the multiplier on the starting count is (1 − s)(1 − c)/c: at c = 0.9, 0.7 and 0.5, 6%, 23% and 53% of the starting count (6%, 23% and 54% of recorded).

    Commercial figures

    Councils note the main type of waste in each incident, but some waste cannot be identified, and those incidents count as neither construction nor commercial. So every commercial figure is a lower bound, given as “at least X% (Y% if unidentified waste splits like the rest)” and rounded down, so it never overstates the share. If unidentified waste is no more often commercial than the rest, the true share lies between the two. Defra’s construction category also includes large-scale DIY waste from households, so not all of it comes from businesses, and councils classify waste and the size of a load in different ways. The figures show what recorded fly-tipping is made of, not how much fly-tipping businesses do. The shares in the text and in Figure 6 rest on the councils with a full breakdown in each year, which is where unidentified waste is rarest; Defra’s national table, which covers every recorded incident, gives a lower bound of 11.0% for 2024/25 and the same 12.9% if unidentified waste splits like the rest, and both figures are given where the shares appear.

    What the factors show

    Every factor on this page is an association, not a cause: it shows where to look and what to test, and none shows that changing the factor would change fly-tipping. Within councils, the factors rest on FixMyStreet reports with reporting habits removed; between councils, on councils’ own records (see How councils record). Enforcement also responds to fly-tipping: councils that record more tend to enforce more, so the enforcement figures, in Figure 3 and in a council’s readout, are not what enforcement does. Policy results compare councils before and after a change with other councils over the same years, and none shows that a change made a difference. Drive time to recycling centres shows access only, not a cause of fly-tipping or what closing a centre would do.

    Each result is graded by the kind of comparison behind it: within councils, between councils, in the make-up of the waste, or national timing only. Where a 90% range includes no difference, the page says “no detectable association”, because the data cannot tell the difference from none.

    Drive times and distances

    Drive times are free-flow, with no traffic, over OpenStreetMap roads, from the point where each neighbourhood’s population is centred to the nearest recycling centre of any council, whether or not its residents may use it. Distances to trade and skip-hire sites are straight-line × 1.3, not routed.

    Years covered

    The map and the national figures are for 2024/25 (April 2024 to March 2025); council comparisons pool it, where stated, with the two years before, and York’s records in the model’s test run to 2025/26. Nothing on this page is a forecast: every fly-tipping figure describes recorded or estimated fly-tipping up to 2025/26.

    Neighbourhoods and councils

    Neighbourhoods are the Office for National Statistics’ 33,755 small areas for England (2021 lower layer super output areas), each home to roughly 1,000 to 3,000 people. Councils are the 296 English local authorities as they stood in April 2024, and wards are built from whole neighbourhoods (see Wards).

    Wards

    The map shows 6,793 of England’s electoral wards as at May 2025, the newest for which the Office for National Statistics publishes a lookup from neighbourhoods. Each ward is built from whole neighbourhoods by that best-fit lookup, so where a ward boundary cuts through a neighbourhood the ward shown is an approximation; 406 wards are a single neighbourhood and carry that neighbourhood’s figure, and 33 wards, most of them in the City of London, contain no whole neighbourhood and are not shown. Some councils’ wards changed in May 2026; the map shows the May 2025 wards and the readout says where they have since changed. A ward’s recorded fly-tipping is its neighbourhoods’ estimated shares of the council’s recorded total added together, never a recorded count.

    The comparison is one regression across England’s wards of each ward’s rate per household on its deprivation (the English Indices of Deprivation rank, from the 2019 edition, the latest published during 2024/25, as a curve), its population density and the share of its households renting privately (Census 2021), each weighted by households across the ward, with a level of its own for every council, so that each ward is compared with wards in the same council and differences in how councils record do not enter; the decile shown in the readout is from the 2025 edition. Wards in councils whose records carry a recording note, whose conditions lie outside the model’s range, whose 2024/25 total is Defra’s estimate, or where a check on the recorded series is outstanding are shown on the map but not listed in Figure 5. Added 9 October 2026, revised 14 October 2026.

    Sources

    How to cite

    Institute for Environmental and Civic Research (2026), Mapping fly-tipping in England, model version 2.2024-h2.

    Model version 2.2024-h2

    Downloads

    Three files, built from the figures this page loads, so each matches what the maps and reports show. Every figure below council level is an estimated share of a council’s recorded total, never a recorded count, and no file puts councils in an order of standing.

    • Every council (CSV) Code and name, recorded 2024/25 incidents and the rate per 1,000 residents, the model’s comparison with what its conditions predict with its range and whether that range is clear of 1, its group of similar councils and its third of the group, the recording basis and notes.

    • Every ward (CSV) Every exported ward figure: the estimated share and its range, the rate per 1,000 households and the expected rate behind the comparison, the comparison with wards like it in its council with its range, its position, confidence, what goes with its position, and in plain words whether it meets the conditions for Figure 5 and, if not, why not.

    • Every constituency (CSV) Each constituency’s councils and their shares, its estimated share of their recorded totals with its range, the rate per 1,000 residents, the farm estimate and the drive time to a recycling centre.

    Licence: Defra, ONS and MHCLG data under the Open Government Licence v3.0; FixMyStreet data from mySociety under the Open Data Commons Attribution Licence; model outputs by the Institute for Environmental and Civic Research, model version 2.2024-h2.